I was going to spend my evening nursing a toddy
while watching Galaxy Quest and crocheting, and I'll probably end up going back
to that plan. But I've been neglecting this blog recently and Dan has inspired
me to finally write about something that I had thought of, but dismissed. Also,
if an explanandum is required for my recent inactivity, it's quite simply this:
the Blogger app hasn't been working on my phone, and I'm apparently too lazy to
drag out my computer to write things. So now you know the truth and we can all
move on, me with my hipster Bluetooth typewriter, you with your.... whatever.
Hopefully a toddy, or something lovely like that.
I've recently been reading a great deal about
Germans during World War II, and on related subjects like the psychology of
killing on battlefields, that sort of thing. There are a few things that
obviously stand out, even before you've spent any time looking deeply into the
subject. If I could be an average American and you were to ask me about the
German national psyche in 1943, the two things I would have to bring up would
be 1) the support for National Socialism with its central cult figure of
Hitler, and 2) the near universal turning away from the plight of Jews and
other undesirables.
There's this burning question, or questions really,
behind any study of the Holocaust: how could they have participated in this
horror? And for those who did not directly participate: how could they look
away? Undergirding these questions is another, almost subconscious one: how
could this happen here? Where, by "here," I mean the global
West, supposedly so civilized and advanced, as assessed within our
Western-originating paradigms of progression.
From the outset, it may be worth our while to
distinguish between passive participants and active participants. That
distinction is set up by the first two questions, which imply two kinds of
responsibility: that of commitment and that of deliberate disengagement. Later,
I will challenge this dichotomy, but for now, it will suffice.
So, to begin: how could they look away? Some people
have argued that many Germans just didn't know. To lend credence to their
argument, German Jews were, overall, more likely to survive the war than those
in occupied territories. The death camps, the Einsatzgruppen, entire cities in Poland, Ukraine, and Russia
starved through the long winters... These happened out of sight of those many
German citizens who remained at home through the course of the war.
But this argument leaves out several factors. First
of all, there were an enormous number of soldiers and administrative personnel
transferred to posts in the East. And all of them, in spite of severe
encouragement to voluntarily censor themselves, were sending home letters full
of the deeds of the Eastern front. While some could not bring themselves to
detail everything that they saw or did, many were proud of their own accomplishments
or, if not proud, then at least compelled to thrill their readers with all of
the most gruesome and gory details.
And second, it ignores the immediate presence of
the death and internment camps. The most notorious of these were in occupied
Poland: Auschwitz-Birkenau, of course, and also Sobibór, Treblinka, and Majdanek, and the list goes on.
There were, however, quite a few in Germany itself. Ravensbrück and Dachau are two names that come to mind. And I
can personally attest, having visited there, that Dachau is not at all far from
the populous city of Munich. Even if there were no camps nearby, many towns had
rail stations, through which the trains carrying the condemned would pass—and
there was no doubt about who the condemned were.
Third, and finally, it fails to account for those
few protests that did occur and suggest some degree of awareness. For example,
the T4 program, through which many institutionalized, disabled individuals were
starved or poisoned, did generate critical commentary from public figures once
it was uncovered, and I believe among them were several priests of considerable
regional influence. However, these protests, such as they were, were ultimately
silenced by a greater commitment to the nationalist program.
Here I must apologize for a slight discrepancy. I
began with a question which I don’t yet intend to address, namely how one could choose not to confront the
atrocities. Instead, I have said a few words to justify the question in the
first place and hopefully establish that the more brutal elements of Nazi
ideology were not out of the public awareness, even if they were not a part of
the official Party propaganda.
And with regard to those who did directly
participate in the camps and in the treatment of the occupied territories,
well, they were clearly aware, so what was it that motivated them?
To be fair here, there was a great deal of nuance
to the ideologies and opinions of the many people who participated in the war,
both at home and on the Eastern and Western fronts. There were many who were
not ardent Nazis, for example, and yet their dissatisfaction with the
Versailles Treaty and its humiliating terms left them desirous of a reckoning
and a reestablishment of their place in the world--better still, the conquering
of that world.
Thus many, in those aforementioned letters home,
expressed qualms about the activities of the occupying forces, but were not
necessarily opposed to the overarching plan. For example, Wilm Hosenfeld, made
famous through The Pianist for saving the Polish musician
Wladyslaw Spilman, worked to hide and protect numerous Jews, all while
continuing to support nationalism and apparently experiencing no dissonance
over the execution of his military duties in Warsaw alongside his personal
protective efforts--this, from his letters to his wife.
Other soldiers initially held back from more wanton
violence, such as needlessly burning villages in their path. But as time wore
on and they endured hardships both mentally and physically exhausting, many
became hardened or paranoid. The slightest movement might trigger a man to
shoot, thinking he was the target of a Russian sniper, only to find that he had
downed an unarmed peasant.
And, unfortunately, there were also those who
simply enjoyed killing or whose blatantly racist ideologies were, for them,
sufficient justification. Of these individuals, what more needs to be said?
I’ve probably given this more time and space than
it really requires, but I feel like it’s easy to take a simplistic view of the
situation. Easy, not only because we don’t even know where to begin unpacking
the full implications of the Holocaust and the surrounding atrocities, but also
because we don’t want to acknowledge the possibilities that a more complicated
picture entails.
In 2015, 60
Minutes did a segment entitled “The Hidden Holocaust,” which talks about
the recent, ongoing work of a French priest, Father Patrick Desbois. Father
Desbois tends to no church of his own. Instead, he travels from town to town in
Poland, Ukraine, Moldova, and other territories that were once behind the Iron
Curtain, seeking their oldest living citizens who can tell him where the mass
grave is.
While the death camps posed one solution for the
mass extermination program, they involved a great deal of administration and
transport. It was quite common and simpler for the Jewry of a particular town
to be rounded up, led out of town to a semi-secluded place, and executed right
there. These mass graves are generally unmarked and, save for the memories of
those who were children at the time, they would be wholly forgotten.
One of the most interesting things about the 60 Minutes segment, however, were the
taped interviews where Father Desbois questions these people about the
circumstances surrounding the executions. At one point, he pulls out a photograph
of one such occasion. In it, there are of course the soldiers and the Jews. But
there are also onlookers. What comes out of these interviews is that these were
not secretive, hidden slaughters in the dead of night. Rather, they were
carried out with the full awareness of the townspeople, and many times with a
crowd of said people standing by, there for the spectacle.
Earlier I said that I wanted to challenge the
dichotomy I had set up, between passive and active participants. Because I
really do think we have distinct ideas regarding the responsibility that people
bear, based on those questions I asked—those who simply turn away and refuse to
acknowledge what is taking place around them may be complicit in what occurs,
but they leave open room for doubt. They did not hold the gun, therefore: what
was the punishable nature of their crime?
And yet these spectators are precisely, by
definition, not looking away. They
are both present at the scene of the crime, and they are gazing upon it. They
are, in essence, a jury. And this is a special category. For a jury cannot wash
its hands of the consequences, as Pontius Pilate does.
The words of a jury are “performative.” Throughout
the course of the trial, the defendant is simply that—a defendant. It is only
upon the deliberation of the jury that he becomes innocent or guilty, although
the jury will not ultimately be responsible for carrying out his punishment.
Likewise, the spectators at the scene: their
participation is consecration beneath the unchallenging gaze. For some, this is
mere entertainment. For others, it is justice for another collective guilt—that
of Hitler’s much-abused “European Jewry.” Regardless, they are actors every bit
as much as the one whose finger rests on the trigger.
I want to go back to what I said earlier about easy
answers. The easy answer is to point the finger. To say, “See what they have done. They are guilty.” And
they are. But when you begin to break down the question of what, exactly, it is
that they are guilty of, when you begin to add nuance to your understanding of
what took place, there comes a point at which an honest person cannot fail to
realize: “But see what we have done.”
It’s the spectacle that got me in the end. Because
I realized that there are probably people alive today in the South who were
part of a lynch mob.
How could
they do it?
It’s harder to ask when “they” are virtually
indistinguishable from “I” and from “we,” and suddenly the safe distance we’ve
been maintaining as judge, standing over and above, is completely collapsing in
on itself and we find ourselves sitting opposite the bench.
How could
we do it?